To be published in Behavioral and Brain Sciences (in press)
© Cambridge University Press 2007
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Base-rate
Respect: From Ecological Rationality to Dual Processes
Running
head: Base-rate respect
Aron
K. Barbey
Department
of Psychology
(404)
727-7386
abarbey@emory.edu
http://www.psychology.emory.edu/cognition/abarbey/index.html
Steven
A. Sloman
Cognitive
and Linguistics Science
(401)
863-7595
Steven_Sloman@brown.edu
http://www.cog.brown.edu/~sloman/
Abstract: The
phenomenon of base-rate neglect has elicited much debate. One arena of debate concerns how people make
judgments under conditions of uncertainty.
Another more controversial arena concerns human rationality. In this paper, we attempt to unpack the
perspectives in the literature on both kinds of issues and evaluate their
ability to explain existing data and their conceptual coherence. We will conclude that the best account of the
data should be framed in terms of a dual-process model of judgment that
attributes base-rate neglect to associative judgment strategies that fail to
adequately represent the set structure of the problem. Base-rate neglect is reduced when problems
are presented in a format that affords accurate representation in terms of
nested sets of individuals.
1.0. Introduction
Diagnosing
whether a patient has a disease, predicting whether a defendant is guilty of a
crime, and other everyday as well as life-changing decisions in part reflect
the decision-maker’s subjective degree of belief in uncertain events. Intuitions about probability frequently
deviate dramatically from the dictates of probability theory (e.g., Gilovich et
al., 2002). One form of deviation is
notorious: People’s tendency to neglect
base-rates in favor of specific case data.
A number of theorists (e.g., Cosmides & Tooby, 1996; Brase, 2002a;
Gigerenzer & Hoffrage, 1995) have argued that such neglect reveals little
more than experimenters’ failure to ask about uncertainty in a form that naïve
respondents can understand, specifically in the form of a question about
natural frequencies. The brunt of our
argument will be that this perspective is far too narrow. After surveying the theoretical perspectives
on the issue, we will show that both data and conceptual considerations demand
that judgment be understood in terms of dual processing systems, one that is
responsible for systematic error and another that is capable of reasoning not just
about natural frequencies, but about relations among any kind of set
representation.
Base-rate neglect has been extensively studied in the context of Bayes’ theorem, which provides a normative standard for updating the probability of a hypothesis in light of new evidence. Research has evaluated the extent to which intuitive probability judgment conforms to the theorem by employing a Bayesian inference task in which the respondent is presented a word problem and has to infer the probability of a hypothesis (e.g., the presence versus absence of breast cancer) on the basis of an observation (e.g., a positive mammography). Consider the following Bayesian inference problem motivated by Eddy (1982; cf. Gigerenzer & Hoffrage, 1995):
The probability of breast cancer is 1% for a woman at age forty who participates in routine screening [base-rate]. If a woman has breast cancer, the probability is 80% that she will get a positive mammography [hit-rate]. If a woman does not have breast cancer, the probability is 9.6% that she will also get a positive mammography [false-alarm rate]. A woman in this age group had a positive mammography in a routine screening. What is the probability that she actually has breast cancer? __%
According to Bayes’ theorem[1], the
probability that the patient has breast cancer given that she has a positive
mammography is 7.8 per cent. Evidence
that people’s judgments on this problem accord with Bayes’ theorem would be
consistent with the claim that the mind embodies a calculus of probability,
whereas the lack of such a correspondence would demonstrate that people’s
judgments can be at variance with sound probabilistic principles and, as a
consequence, that people can be led to make incoherent decisions (Savage, 1954;
Ramsey, 1964). Thus, the extent to which
intuitive probability judgment conforms to the normative prescriptions of
Bayes’ theorem has implications for the nature of human judgment (for a review
of the theoretical debate on human rationality, see Stanovich, 1999). In the case of Eddy’s study, fewer than 5 per
cent of the respondents generated the Bayesian solution.
Early studies evaluating Bayesian inference under single-event probabilities also showed systematic deviations from Bayes’ theorem. Hammerton (1973), for example, found that only 10 per cent of the physicians tested generated the Bayesian solution, with the median response approximating the hit-rate of the test. Similarly, Casscells, Schoenberger, and Grayboys (1978) and Eddy (1982) found that a low proportion of respondents generated the Bayesian solution: 18 per cent in the former and 5 per cent in the latter, with the modal response in each study corresponding to the hit-rate of the test. All of this suggests that the mind does not normally reason in a way consistent with the laws of probability theory.
1.1. Base-rate
facilitation
However,
this conclusion has not been drawn universally.
Eddy’s (1982) problem concerned a single event, the probability that a
particular woman has breast cancer. In
some problems, when probabilities that refer to the chances of a single event
occurring (e.g., 1 %) are reformulated and presented in terms of natural frequency
formats (e.g., 10 out of 1,000), people more often draw probability estimates
that conform to Bayes theorem. Consider
the following mammography problem presented in a natural frequency format by
Gigerenzer and Hoffrage (1995).
10
out of every 1,000 women at age forty who participate in routine screening have
breast cancer [base-rate]. 8 out of
every 10 women with breast cancer will get a positive mammography
[hit-rate]. 95 out of every 990 women
without breast cancer will also get a positive mammography [false-alarm
rate]. Here is a new representative
sample of women at age forty who got a positive mammography in routine
screening. How many of these women do
you expect to actually have breast cancer?
___ out of ___.
The proportion of responses conforming
to Bayes’ theorem increased by a factor of about three in this case, 46 per
cent under natural frequency formats versus 16 per cent under a single-event
probability format. The observed
facilitation has motivated researchers to argue that coherent probability
judgment depends on representing events in the form of natural frequencies
(e.g., Cosmides & Tooby, 1996; Brase, 2002a; Gigerenzer & Hoffrage,
1995).
Cosmides and
Tooby (1996) also conducted a series of experiments that employed Bayesian
inference problems that had previously elicited judgmental errors under
single-event probability formats. In
Experiment 1, they replicated Casscells et al. (1978), demonstrating that only
12 per cent of their respondents produced the Bayesian answer when presented
single-event probabilities. Cosmides and
Tooby then transformed the single-event probabilities into natural frequencies,
resulting in a remarkably high proportion of Bayesian responses: 72 per cent of respondents generated the
Bayesian solution, supporting the author’s conclusion that Bayesian inference
depends on the use of natural frequencies.
Gigerenzer
(1996b) explored whether physicians, who frequently assess and diagnose medical
illness, would demonstrate the same pattern of judgments as clinically untrained
college undergraduates. Consistent with
the judgments drawn by college students (e.g., Gigerenzer & Hoffrage,
1995), Gigerenzer found that the sample of 48 physicians tested generated the
Bayesian solution in only 10 per cent of the cases under single-event
probability formats whereas 46 per cent did with natural frequency
formats. Physicians spent about 25 per
cent more time on the single-event probability problems, suggesting that they
found these problems more difficult to solve than problems presented in a
natural frequency format. Thus, the
physician’s judgments were consistent with those of non-physicians, suggesting
that formal training in medical diagnosis does not lead to more accurate
Bayesian reasoning and that natural frequencies facilitate probabilistic
inference across populations.
Further
studies have demonstrated that the facilitory effect of natural frequencies on
Bayesian inference observed in the laboratory has the potential for improving
the predictive accuracy of professionals in important real-world settings. Gigerenzer and his colleagues have shown, for
example, that natural frequencies facilitate Bayesian inference in AIDS
counseling (Gigerenzer et al., 1998), in the assessment of statistical
information by judges (Lindsey et al., 2003), and in teaching Bayesian
reasoning to college undergraduates (Sedlmeier & Gigerenzer, 2001;
Kuzenhauser & Hoffrage, 2002). In summary, the reviewed findings
demonstrate facilitation in Bayesian inference when single-event probabilities are
translated into natural frequencies, consistent with the view that coherent
probability judgment depends on natural frequency representations.
Explanations of facilitation in
Bayesian inference can be grouped into five types that can be arrayed along a
continuum of cognitive control, from accounts that ascribe facilitation to
processes that have little to do with strategic cognitive processing to those
that appeal to general-purpose reasoning procedures. The five accounts we discuss can be
contrasted at the coarsest level on five dimensions (see Table 1). We do not claim that theorists have
consistently made these distinctions in the past, only that these distinctions
are in fact appropriate ones.
Table 1. Prerequisites for reduction of base-rate
neglect according to 5 theoretical frameworks.
|
Mind
as Swiss army knife |
Natural
frequency algorithm |
Natural
frequency heuristic |
Non-evolutionary
natural frequency heuristic |
Nested
sets and dual processes |
|
|
Cognitive
impenetrability |
X |
|
|
|
|
|
Informational
encapsulation |
X |
X |
|
|
|
|
Appeal
to evolution |
X |
X |
X |
|
|
|
Cognitive
process uniquely sensitive to natural frequency formats |
X |
X |
X |
X |
|
|
Transparency
of nested set relations |
X |
X |
X |
X |
X |
Note.
The prerequisites of each theory are indicated by an ‘X’.
A parallel taxonomy for theories of
categorization can be found in Sloman, Lombrozo, and Malt (in press). We briefly introduce the theoretical
frameworks here. The discussion of each
will be elaborated as required to reveal assumptions and derive predictions in
the following sections in order to compare and contrast them.
1.2.1. Mind as Swiss army knife
Several theorists have argued that the
human mind consists of a number of specialized modules (Cosmides & Tooby,
1995; Gigerenzer & Selten, 2001).
Each module is assumed to be unavailable to conscious awareness or
deliberate control (cognitively impenetrable) and able to process only a
specific type of information (informationally encapsulated; see Fodor,
1983). One module in particular is
designed to process natural frequencies.
This module is thought to have evolved because natural frequency
information is what was available to our ancestors in the environment of
evolutionary adaptiveness. On this view,
facilitation occurs because natural frequency data are processed by a
computationally effective processing module.
Two arguments have been advanced in
support of the ecological validity of natural frequency data. First, as natural frequency information is
acquired it can be “easily, immediately, and usefully incorporated with past
frequency information via the use of natural sampling, which is the method of
counting occurrences of events as they are encountered and storing the
resulting knowledge base for possible use later” (Brase, 2002, p. 384). Second, information stored in a natural
frequency format preserves the sample size of the reference class (e.g., 10 out
of 1,000 women have breast cancer), and are arranged into subset relations
(e.g., of the 10 women that have breast cancer, 8 are positively diagnosed)
that indicate how many cases of the total sample there are in each subcategory
(i.e., the base-rate, the hit-rate, and false-alarm rate). Because natural frequency formats entail the
sample and effect sizes, posterior probabilities consistent with Bayes’ theorem
can be calculated without explicitly incorporating base-rates, thereby allowing
simple calculations[2]
(Kleiter, 1994). Thus proponents of this
view argue that the mind has evolved to process natural frequency formats over
single-event probabilities and, in particular, includes a cognitive module that “maps frequentist representations of
prior probabilities and likelihoods onto a frequentist representation of a
posterior probability in a way that satisfies the constraints of Bayes’
theorem” (Cosmides & Tooby, 1996, p. 60).
Theorists who take this position uniformly
motivate their hypothesis via a process of natural selection. However, the cognitive and evolutionary
claims are in fact conceptually independent.
The mind could consist of cognitively impenetrable and informationally
encapsulated modules whether or not any or all of those modules evolved for the
specific reasons offered.
1.2.2. Natural frequency algorithm
A weaker claim is that the mind
includes a specific algorithm for effectively processing natural frequency
information (Gigerenzer & Hoffrage, 1995).
Unlike the mind-as-Swiss-army-knife view, this hypothesis makes no
general claim about the architecture of mind.
Despite this difference in scope, these theories adopt the same
computational and evolutionary commitments.
Consistent with the mind-as-Swiss-army-knife
view, this approach proposes that coherent probability judgment derives from a
simplified form of Bayes’ theorem. The
proposed algorithm computes the number of cases where the hypothesis and
observation co-occur, N(H and D), out of the total number of cases where the
observation occurs, N(H and D) + N(not-H and D) = N(D) (Kleiter, 1994;
Gigerenzer & Hoffrage, 1995).
Because this form of Bayes’ theorem expresses a simple ratio of
frequencies, we refer to it as “the Ratio.”
Following the mind-as-Swiss-army knife
view, proponents of this approach have ascribed the origin of the Bayesian
ratio to evolution. Gigerenzer and
Hoffrage (1995, p. 686), for example, state “The evolutionary argument that
cognitive algorithms were designed for frequency information, acquired through
natural sampling, has implications for the computations an organism needs to
perform when making Bayesian inferences….
Bayesian algorithms are computationally simpler when information is encoded
in a frequency format rather than a standard probability format.” As a consequence, this view predicts that
“Performance on frequentist problems will satisfy some of the constraints that
a calculus of probability specifies, such as Bayes’ rule. This would occur because some inductive reasoning
mechanisms in our cognitive architecture embody aspects of a calculus of
probability” (Cosmides & Tooby, 1996, p. 17).
The proposed algorithm is necessarily
informationally encapsulated as it operates on a specific information format,
natural frequencies, but it is not necessarily cognitively impenetrable as no
one has claimed that other cognitive processes can’t affect or use the
algorithm’s computations. The primary
motivation for the existence of this algorithm has been computational (Kleiter,
1994; Gigerenzer & Hoffrage, 1995).
As reviewed above, the value of natural frequencies is that these
formats entail the sample and effect sizes and, as a consequence, simplify the
calculation of Bayes’ theorem:
Probability judgments are coherent with Bayesian prescriptions even
without explicit consideration of base-rates.
1.2.3. Natural frequency heuristic
A claim that puts facilitation under
more cognitive control is that people use heuristics to make judgments (Tversky
& Kahneman, 1974; Gigerenzer & Selten, 2001) and that the Ratio is one
such heuristic (Gigerenzer, Todd & the ABC research group, 1999). According to this view, “heuristics can
perform as well, or better, than algorithms that involve complex
computations…. The astonishingly high
accuracy of these heuristics indicates their ecological rationality; fast and
frugal heuristics exploit the statistical structure of the environment, and
they are adapted to this structure” (Gigerenzer, 2006). Advocates of this approach motivate the
proposed heuristic by pointing to the ecological validity of natural frequency
formats, as Gigerenzer further states (p. 52), “To evaluate the performance of
the human mind, one needs to look at its environment and, in particular, the
external representation of the information.
For most of the time during which the human mind evolved, information
was encountered in the form of natural frequencies…” Thus, this view proposes that the mind
evolved to process natural frequencies and that this evolutionary adaptation gave
rise to the proposed heuristic that computes the Bayesian Ratio from natural
frequencies.
1.2.4. Non-evolutionary natural frequency heuristic
Evolutionary arguments about the
ecological validity of natural frequency representations provide part of the
motivation for the preceding theories.
In particular, proponents of the theories argue that throughout the
course of human evolution natural frequencies were acquired via natural
sampling (i.e., encoding event frequencies as they are encountered and storing
them in the appropriate reference class).
In contrast, the non-evolutionary
natural frequency theory proposes that natural sampling is not necessarily an
evolved procedure for encoding statistical regularities in the environment, but
a useful sampling method that, one way or another, people can appreciate and
use. The natural frequency
representations that result from natural sampling, on this view, simplify the
calculation of Bayes’ theorem and, as a consequence, facilitate Bayesian
inference (Kleiter, 1994). Thus, this
view differs from the preceding accounts by resting on a purely computational
argument that is independent of any commitments to which cognitive processes
have been selected for by evolution.
This theory proposes that the computational
simplicity afforded by natural frequencies gives rise to a heuristic that
computes the Bayesian Ratio from natural frequencies. The proposed heuristic implies a higher
degree of cognitive control than the preceding modular proposed algorithms.
1.2.5. Nested sets and dual processes
The most extreme departure from the
modular view claims that facilitation is a product of general-purpose reasoning
processes (Evans et al., 2000; Fox & Levav, 2004; Girotto & Gonzales, 2001;
Johnson-Laird et al., 1999; Kahneman & Frederick, 2002, 2005; Over, 2003;
Sloman et al., 2003). On this view,
people use two systems to reason (Evans & Over, 1996; Kahneman &
Frederick, 2002, 2005; Sloman, 1996; Stanovich & West, 2000), often called
Systems 1 and 2 but in an effort to use more expressive labels, we will employ
Sloman’s terms “associative” and “rule-based.”
The dual-process model attributes
responses based on associative principles like similarity or retrieval from
memory to a primitive associative judgment system. It attributes responses based on more
deliberative processing that involves working memory such as the elementary set
operations that respect the logic of set inclusion and facilitate Bayesian
inference to a second rule-based system.
Judgmental errors produced by cognitive heuristics are generated by
associative processes, whereas the induction of a representation of category
instances that makes nested set relations transparent also induces use of rules
about elementary set operations, operations of the sort perhaps described by
Fox and Levav (2004) or Johnson-Laird et al. (1999).
According to this theory, base-rate
neglect results from associative responding and facilitation occurs when people
correctly use rules to make the inference.
Rule-based inference is more cognitively demanding than associative
inference and is therefore more likely to occur when participants have more
time, more incentives, or more external aids to make a judgment and are under
fewer other demands at the moment of judgment.
It is also more likely for people who have greater skill employing the
relevant rules. This last prediction is
supported by Stanovich and West (2000) who find correlations between
intelligence and use of base-rates.
Rules are effective devices for solving
a problem to the extent that the problem is represented in a way compatible
with the rules. For example, long
division is an effective method for solving division problems but only if
numbers are represented using Arabic numerals; division with Roman numerals
requires different rules. By analogy,
the reason that natural frequencies facilitate use of base-rates on this view
is that the rules that people have access to and are able to use to solve the
specific kind of problem studied in the base-rate neglect literature are more
compatible with natural frequency formats than single-event probability
formats.
Specifically, people are adept at using
rules consisting of simple elementary set operations. But these operations are only applicable when
problems are represented in terms of sets, as opposed to single events. According to this view, facilitation in
Bayesian inference occurs under natural frequencies because these formats are
an effective cue to the representation of the set structure underlying a
Bayesian inference problem. This is the
nested sets hypothesis of Tversky & Kahneman (1983). On this view, natural frequency formats
prompt the respondent to adopt an outside view by inducing a representation of
category instances (e.g., 10 out of 1,000 women have breast cancer) that
reveals the set structure of the problem and makes the nested set relations
transparent for problem solving[3]. We refer to this hypothesis as the nested
sets theory (Ayton & Wright, 1994; Evans et al., 2000; Fox & Levav,
2004; Girotto & Gonzalez, 2001, 2002; Johnson-Laird et al., 1999; Kahneman
& Tversky, 1983; Macchi, 2000; Mellers & McGraw, 1999; Sloman et al.,
2003). Unlike the other theories, it
predicts that facilitation should be observable in a variety of different
tasks, not just posterior probability problems, when nested set relations are
made transparent.
2.0. Overview of empirical and conceptual issues
reviewed
We now turn to an evaluation of these
five theoretical frameworks. We evaluate
a range of empirical and conceptual issues that bear on the validity of these
frameworks.
The theories
are evaluated with respect to the empirical predictions summarized in Table
2. The predictions of each theory derive
from (i) the degree of cognitive control attributed to probability judgment
(see Table 1), and (ii) the proposed cognitive operations that underlie
estimates of probability.
Theories that
adopt a low degree of cognitive control — proposing cognitively impenetrable
modules or informationally encapsulated algorithms — restrict Bayesian
inference to contexts that satisfy the assumptions of the processing module or
algorithm. In contrast, theories that
adopt a high degree of cognitive control — appealing to a natural frequency
heuristic or a domain general capacity to perform set operations — predict
Bayesian inference in a wider range of contexts. The latter theories are distinguished from one
another in terms of the cognitive operations they propose: The evolutionary and non-evolutionary natural
frequency heuristics depend on structural features of the problem like question
form and reference class. They imply the
accurate encoding and comprehension of natural frequencies and an accurate
weighting of the encoded event frequencies to calculate the Bayesian
ratio. In contrast, the nested sets
theory does not rely on natural frequencies and instead predicts facilitation
in Bayesian inference, and in a range of other deductive and inductive
reasoning tasks, when the set structure of the problem is made transparent,
thereby promoting use of elementary set operations and inferences about the
logical (i.e., extensional) properties they entail.
Table 2. Empirical predictions of the five theoretical
frameworks.
|
|
Mind as
Swiss army knife |
Natural
frequency algorithm |
Natural
frequency heuristic |
Non-evolutionary
natural frequency heuristic |
Nested sets
and dual processes |
|
Facilitation
with natural frequencies (information format and judgment domain) |
X |
X |
X |
X |
X |
|
Facilitation
with questions that prompt the respondent to compute the Bayesian ratio
(question form) |
|
|
X |
X |
X |
|
Facilitation
with statistical information organized in a partitive structure (reference
class) |
|
|
X |
X |
X |
|
Facilitation
with diagrammatic representations that highlight the set structure of the
problem |
|
|
X |
X |
X |
|
Inaccurate
frequency judgments |
|
|
|
|
X |
|
Equivalent
comprehension of natural frequencies and single-event probabilities |
|
|
|
|
X |
|
Non-normative
weighting of likelihood ratio and prior odds |
|
|
|
|
X |
|
Facilitation
with set representations in deductive and inductive reasoning |
|
|
|
|
X |
Note. The predictions of each theory are indicated
by an ‘X.’
2.1. Information
format and judgment domain
The preceding review
of the literature found that natural frequencies formats consistently reduced
base-rate neglect relative to probability formats. However, the size of this effect varied
considerably across studies (see Table 3).
Cosmides and
Tooby (1996), for example, observed a 60-point percent difference between the
proportions of Bayesian responses under natural frequencies versus single-event
probabilities, whereas Gigerenzer and Hoffrage (1995) reported a difference
only half that size. The wide
variability in the size of the effects makes it clear that in no sense do
natural frequencies eliminate base-rate neglect, though they do reduce it.
Sloman, Over,
Slovak, and Stibel (2003) conducted a series of experiments that attempted to
replicate the effect sizes observed by the previous studies (e.g., Cosmides
& Tooby, 1996, Experiment 2, Condition 1).
Although Sloman et al. found facilitation with natural frequencies, the
size of the effect was smaller than that observed by Cosmides and Tooby: The
percent of Bayesian solutions generated under single-event probabilities (20%)
was comparable to Cosmides and Tooby (12%), but the percentage of Bayesian
answers generated under natural frequencies was smaller (i.e., 72% versus 51%
for Sloman et al.). In a further replication,
Sloman et al. found that only 31 per cent of their respondents generated the
Bayesian solution, a statistically non-significant advantage for natural
frequencies.
Table 3. Percent correct for Bayesian inference problems
reported in the literature (sample sizes in parentheses)
Information
format and judgment domain
Study Probability Frequency
Casscells et al., (1978) 18
(60) ---
Cosmides & Tooby (1996; Exp. 2) 12 (25) 72
(25)
Eddy (1988) 5 (100) ---
Evans et al., (2000; Exp. 1) 24 (42) 35 (43)‡
Gigerenzer (1996) 10 (48) 46 (48)
Gigerenzer & Hoffrage (1995) 16
(30) 46 (30)
Macchi (2000) 6 (30) 40 (30)
Sloman et al., (2003) (Exp.1) 20 (25) 51 (45)
Sloman et al., (2003) (Exp. 1b) --- 31 (48)‡
Note.
Probability problems require that the respondent compute a
conditional-event probability from data presented in a non-partitive form,
whereas frequency problems include questions that prompt the respondent to
evaluate the two terms of the Bayesian ratio and present data that is
partitioned into these components.
‡ p > 0.05
Evans,
Handley, Perham, Over, and Thompson, (2000; Experiment 1) similarly found only
a small effect of information format. They
report 24 per cent Bayesian solutions under single-event probabilities and 35
per cent under natural frequencies, a difference that was not reliable.
Brase,
Fiddick, and Harries (in press) examined whether methodological factors
contribute to the observed variability in effect size. They identified two factors that modulate the
facilitory effect of natural frequencies in Bayesian inference: (1) the
academic selectivity of the university the participants attend, and (2) whether
or not the experiment offered a monetary incentive for participation. Experiments whose participants attended a
top-tier national university and were paid reported a significantly higher
proportion of Bayesian responses (e.g., Cosmides & Tooby, 1996) than
experiments whose participants attended a second-tier regional university and
were not paid (e.g., Brase et al., in press, Experiments 3 and 4). These results suggest that a higher
proportion of Bayesian responses is observed in experiments that (a) select
participants with a higher level of general intelligence, as indexed by the
academic selectivity of the university the participant attends (Stanovich &
West, 1998), and (b) increase motivation by providing a monetary
incentive. The former observation is
consistent with the view that Bayesian inference depends on domain general
cognitive processes to the degree that intelligence is domain general. The latter suggests that Bayesian inference
is strategic, and not supported by automatic (e.g., modularized) reasoning
processes.
2.2. Question form
One
methodological factor that may mediate the effect of problem format is the form
of the Bayesian inference question presented to participants (Girotto &
Gonzalez, 2001). The Bayesian solution
expresses the ratio between the size of the subset of cases where the
hypothesis and observation co-occur and the total number of observations. Thus, it follows that the respondent should
be more likely to arrive at this solution when prompted to adopt an outside
view by utilizing the sample of category instances presented in the problem
(e.g., “Here is a new sample of patients who have obtained a positive test
result in routine screening. How many of
these patients do you expect to actually have the disease? ___ out of ___”)
versus a question that presents information about category properties (e.g., “…
In the
preceding studies, however, information format and judgment domain were
confounded with question form: Only problems that presented natural frequencies
prompted use of the sample of category instances presented in the problem to
compute the two terms of the Bayesian solution (an outside view), whereas
single-event probability problems prompted the use of category properties to
compute a conditional probability.
To dissociate
these factors, Girotto and Gonzalez (2001) proposed that single-event
probabilities (e.g., 1%) can be represented as chances[4]
(e.g., “1 chance out of 100”). Under the
chance formulation of probability, the respondent can be asked either for the
standard conditional probability or for values that correspond more closely to
the ratio expressed by Bayes’ theorem.
The latter question asks the respondent to evaluate the chances that
To evaluate the role of question form in Bayesian inference, Girotto and Gonzalez (2001, Study 1) conducted an experiment that manipulated question form independently of information format and judgment domain. The authors presented the following